Just seventeen years ago the late Alfred Cobban opened the case against. He assembled and published many key primary sources. Jean-Clément Martin notes that counterrevolutionary women sometimes joined men on the battlefield without concealing their gender identity or perhaps even highlighting it. Historians are also asking, how did individual women or subgroups of women demonstrate creativity, even as revolutionary elites often sought to reinforce the lines of male-female difference? Although dismissed and attacked by the mainstream journals at first, Cobban was persistent and determined, and his approach was soon supported and modified by a flood of new research both inside and outside France. Marisa Linton, Kingston University, London, History Department, Faculty Member. Gender historiography has yet to be fully integrated into our thinking about these questions, especially when they are conceptualized as large tectonic forces rather than local experiences.24 A few transnational historians have posed questions about gender dynamics in conjunction with investigating traveling revolutionaries, the international circulation of ideas, and the entangled genealogies of gender and race. Corday was a prorevolutionary Girondin who fantasized that she could save the Revolution by cleansing it of its most radical elements, especially Jean-Paul Marat. This skilfully and persuasively argued work interprets the Revolution through a Marxist lens: first there is the "aristocratic revolution" of the Assembly of Notables and the Paris Parlement in 1788; then the "bourgeois revolution" of the Third Estate; the "popular revolution", symbolised by the fall of the Bastille; and the "peasant revolution", represented by the "Great Fear" in the provinces and the burning of châteaux. 1985); Christine Fauré, “La prise de parole publique des femmes,” Annales historiques de la Révolution française 344 (2006). At each stage, the question of who should hold political power was further refined. "[29] A disillusioned ex-Communist, he published his La Révolution Française in 1965–66. 21 Other works have demonstrated that republican marriage played a pivotal role in defining manhood and male citizenship, notably Claire Cage’s book on married priests and Anne Verjus’s work on how discourse and family law positioned the family as the fundamental structure for imagining and enacting politics. The dechristianization of France during the French Revolution is a conventional description of the results of a number of separate policies conducted by various governments of France between the start of the French Revolution in 1789 and the Concordat of 1801, forming the basis of the later and less radical laïcité policies. Another historian working in this tradition is Keith Michael Baker. The essay concludes with reflections on possible directions for future research. A simplified description of the liberal approach to the Revolution was typically to support the achievements of the constitutional monarchy of the National Assembly but disown the later actions of radical violence like the invasion of the Tuileries and the Terror. Scholars currently follow two countervailing tendencies that are not always in sync. Les femmes et le vote, 1789–1848 (Paris, 2002) and Le bon mari. Chapter 1.1.III. The French Revolution has received enormous amounts of historical attention, both from the general public and from scholars and academics. William Doyle, professor at Bristol University, has published The Origins of the French Revolution (1988) and a revisionist history, The Oxford History of the French Revolution (2nd edition 2002). In her study of familialist thinking, Anne Verjus has argued that most French women thought of themselves according to family roles rather than envisioning their gender status as women as their primary identity.15. The coeditors—Africanist Pascale Barthélémy and classicist Violaine Sebillotte-Cuchet—observe, “Today it is no longer a question of ONE citizenship but of citizenships in the plural, political but also social, economic, and cultural.” They suggest that “social citizenship” includes access to social rights but also refers to “engagements, mobilizations, forms of resistance, arts de faire.” Beyond its “juridical dimension,” social citizenship “should be understood as the ‘subjective experience of political engagements.’”14 In other words, like some gender historians of the Revolution, they broaden the analysis of “citizenship” as a concept by widening the lens beyond legal demarcations of citizenship from above and by asking how actors themselves define it from below in word and action. Jean-Luc Chappey et al., Pour quoi faire la Révolution (Marseille, 2012). It furthers the University's objective of excellence in research, scholarship, and education by publishing worldwide, This PDF is available to Subscribers Only. Jean-Paul Bertaud, “Military Virility,” in A History of Virility, ed. Around 1990, various scholars built a powerful paradigm: they argued that the Revolution excluded women from politics and created a private sphere of female domesticity. The book played a notable role in undermining the legitimacy of the Bourbon regime of Charles X, and bringing about the July Revolution of 1830. "[26], Lynn Hunt, though often characterized as a feminist interpreter of the Revolution, is a historian working in the wake of the revisionists. Pascale Barthélémy and Violaine Sebillotte Cuchet, “Sous la citoyenneté, le genre,” Clio. Verjus and Davidson reveal husbands and wives developing a striking amount of team work.22, Similar questions have arisen in gender scholarship on Saint-Domingue. At the same time, her methodology and her Old Regime analysis suggest a direction for future work on mixed race, transatlantic families during the French and Haitian revolutions.23, Beyond Saint-Domingue, transnational approaches to the revolutionary era have not focused much attention on gender issues, in part because the global turn—for revolutionary France—has prioritized questions about large-scale causes and crises, such as geopolitical competition for empire, international trade and finance, or revolutionary expansionism and the creation of sister republics. [8] Hippolyte Taine (1828–1893) was among the more conservative of the originators of social history. Aulard – 1891 (for more than thirty years), Disch, Lisa. Elizabeth Colwill argues that family and marriage were “a primary field for the operations of power in the post-emancipatory state” of Saint-Domingue after 1793. It advanced the theory that the progress of the French Revolution was considerably influenced by a conspiracy conducted by "the lodges of the German Freemasons and Illuminati". The historiography of the French Revolution goes back to before the closing of the revolutionary period. Polasky, Revolutions without Borders; Michael Kwass, Contraband: Louis Mandrin and the Making of a Global Underground (Cambridge, MA, 2014). Timothy Tackett in particular has changed approach, preferring archival research to historiographical dialectics. His main point was that feudalism had long since disappeared in France; that the Revolution did not transform French society, and that it was principally a political revolution, not a social one as Lefebvre and others insisted.[22]. Les femmes publiques dans la cité républicaine (1789–1804) (Paris, 2016); Katie L. Jarvis, Politics in the Marketplace: Work, Gender, and Citizenship in Revolutionary France (NY, forthcoming at Oxford University Press); Kathryn Elizabeth Marsden, “Married Nuns in the French Revolution: The Sexual Revolution of the 1790s,” (PhD diss., University of California-Irvine, 2014); Janet Polasky, Revolutions without Borders: The Call to Liberty in the Atlantic World (New Haven, 2015); Elizabeth Colwill, “Freedwomen’s Familial Politics: Marriage, War and Rites of Registry in Post-Emancipation Saint-Domingue,” in Gender, War, and Politics: Transatlantic Perspectives, 1775–1830, ed. It condemned Marat, Robespierre and the other radical leaders, and also condemned the monarchy, aristocracy and clergy for their inability to change. Cahiers de l’Institut d’histoire de la Révolution française 9 (2015): 1–27, quote 18. Aulard's famous four volume history of the Revolution focused on technical issues. The move seems to be: acknowledge limits on political citizenship but then ask what kind of citizenship claims women did wield. Likewise, in Freedom Papers, Rebecca Scott and Jean M. Hébrard follow the ex-slave Citoyenne Rosalie as she forges an unofficial family and negotiates “the world of power and paper”—not to marry but to document her own emancipation and her children’s. His massive and reputation-making thesis, Les paysans du Nord (1924), was an account of the Revolution among provincial peasants. In a slightly different vein, work on women bearing arms has emphasized the malleability of identity and motivation and suggested that the same issue could hold different resonances for different actors. Ideal Masculinity and Male Sociability in the French Revolution,” Sean Quinlan, casts a wider net as he examines “multiple, competing experiences of masculinity.” War produces what he colorfully calls a “Republic of muscles.” But after the Terror, even though the Directory promoted family ideals, “alienated men sought out fraternal associations, outside the family and state, to escape revolutionary chaos and anomie.” (43) His examples include the gangs of the jeunesse dorée, fraternal art studios, and the manly medical world of dissection laboratories. [17] His major publication was La Révolution française (1957, translated and published in English in two volumes, 1962–1967). By the year 2000, many historians were saying that the field of the French Revolution was in intellectual disarray. Paul H. Beik, foreword to Georges Lefebvre, Michael Scott Christofferson, "François Furet between History and Journalism, 1958–1965. Studies History, French Revolution, and Jacobinism. On integrating gender into world history, see Antoinette Burton, A Primer for Teaching World History: Ten Design Principles (Durham, NC, 2011), Chapter 3. He promoted a republican, bourgeois, and anticlerical view of the revolution. The historiography of the French Revolution stretches back over two hundred years, as commentators and historians have sought to answer questions regarding the origins of the Revolution, and its meaning and effects. Furet in the 1960s worked in terms of the Annales School, which locates the 1789 revolution in a "long" history of 19th century revolutionary France. One well-known interpretation of the Revolution is the Marxist interpretation. “Les affaires d’état sont mes affaires de coeur.” Rosalie Jullien, une femme dans la Révolution. But by and large, they were more interested in using the new civil records to guarantee the legal status of their children than in following these new marriage models. Alan Forrest, Karen Hagemann, and Jane Rendall (Basingstoke, UK, 2009), 77–95; Thomas Cardoza, Intrepid Women: Cantinières and Vivandières of the French Army (Bloomington, IN, 2010); Pauline Moszkowski-Ouargli, Citoyennes des champs. later, in 1964, he summed up that case in his brilliant essay on The. Another seminal figure in the revisionism debate is the Francophile Englishman Richard Cobb, who has produced a number of immensely detailed studies of both provincial and city life, avoiding the revisionism debate by "keeping his nose very close to the ground". "[citation needed]. Her major works include Politics, Culture, and Class in the French Revolution (1984), and The Family Romance of the French Revolution (1992), both interpretative works. 1 (2016): 3–36, quotes on 24–25, 21. Learn vocabulary, terms, and more with flashcards, games, and other study tools. Marisa Linton is Professor Emerita in History at Kingston University. He wrote to Ralph Waldo Emerson that the writing of the book was the "dreadfulest labor [he] ever undertook".[11]. This brief survey of recent work reveals multiple arenas for investigating and conceptualizing gender in the revolutionary era. Pour une anthropologie politique de la Révolution française (Paris, 2013). Recent French Revolutionary Historiography", Declaration of the Rights of Man and of the Citizen, Prince Frederick, Duke of York and Albany, Charles William Ferdinand, Duke of Brunswick, Frederick Louis, Prince of Hohenlohe-Ingelfingen, François Alexandre Frédéric, duc de la Rochefoucauld-Liancourt, Honoré Gabriel Riqueti, comte de Mirabeau, Alexandre-Théodore-Victor, comte de Lameth, Louis Michel le Peletier de Saint-Fargeau, List of people associated with the French Revolution, https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Historiography_of_the_French_Revolution&oldid=992223688, Articles with unsourced statements from June 2018, Creative Commons Attribution-ShareAlike License, F.A. Here is an emblem of that shift: In France, Christine Fauré—who in the 1980s had written a book called Democracy without Women—by 2006, was calling for new attention to “la prise de parole des femmes.” Fauré’s special issue of the Annales historiques de la Révolution française featured a parade of vocal female journalists, salonnières, and authors.5. 1963); D. Sutherland, France, 1789–1815: Revolution and Counterrevolution (1986); and F. Furet and M. Ouzouf, A Critical Dictionary of the French Revolution (tr. View Historiography of the French Revolution Research Papers on Academia.edu for free. [28], François Furet (1927–1997) was the leading figure in the rejection of the "classic" or "Marxist" interpretation. [30] He then moved to the right, re-examining the Revolution from the perspective of 20th century totalitarianism (as exemplified by Hitler and Stalin). It marked his transition from revolutionary leftist politics to liberal Left-center position, and reflected his ties to the social-science-oriented Annales School. Suzanne Desan, Lynn Hunt, and William Max Nelson (Ithaca, NY, 2013), 101–10; cf. On the most basic level, this young field, informed by much subtler thinking about gender as culturally constructed, is expanding its knowledge about understudied groups of women. And as David Hopkin has argued, investigating the actions of atypical women, such as female soldiers, has intellectual appeal beyond the perennial human fascination with the exceptional or the picturesque. In the last decade or so, there has been an outpouring of empirical work on specific subgroups of women, sometimes discussed within an expanded framework of citizenship. Chapter 1.2.I. Instead his work was aimed at fellow scholars and researchers. "How could Hannah Arendt glorify the American Revolution and revile the French? It seems crucial to continue to put gender history and the transnational turn into greater dialogue with one another by building on the approaches mentioned above and fashioning new zones of study. 1 Gary Kates' comment, in his introduction to this collection of essays on the 1789 French Revolution, is certainly correct-though his claim is true of other great revolutions too. Academics in Historiography of the French Revolution - Academia.edu View Academics in Historiography of the French Revolution on Academia.edu. Within France itself, studying revolutionary women as collective actors fits in with the decades-long attempt—especially by historians associated with the Institut d’histoire de la Révolution française—to counter any leftover resonances of François Furet’s negative interpretation and prove the Revolution’s contemporary relevance as “a political laboratory” or a grassroots “apprenticeship in democracy”—older phrases but ongoing projects, invoked, for example, in the 2012 collection Pour quoi faire la Révolution.11, In this vein, in a very recent historiographic essay on gender, the authors Clyde Marlo Plumauzille and Guillaume Mazeau call on historians to not simply seek out the “romantic illusions of a proto-feminism defended by a few heroines.” Instead, we should “pay attention to those millions of ordinary women, who using their discretion, readjusted gender relations [in everyday life] without having wished for it, or foreseen it.”12 Along these lines, Plumauzille has just produced a rich archival study of Parisian prostitutes. The complete work of ten volumes sold ten thousand sets, an enormous number for the time. Tackett also has several works focusing on Reign of Terror, The Coming of the Terror in the French Revolution (2015), and the psychology behind the paranoia affecting the Committee of Public Safety during the Terror. In addition, the field of revolutionary masculinity in general remains wide open. [25] Its narrative- while massive- focuses on the most visible leaders of the Revolution, even through its more "popular" phases. "Historiography of the French Revolution," in Michael Bentley, ed. The French Revolution created turmoil across the whole of Europe, via a series of events which continue to captivate and inspire massive debate. Start studying Historiography of the French Revolution. Edmund Burke’s Reflections on the Revolution in France was a response to revolutionary events that was conservative and skeptical, mostly condemning the revolution as a pointless excess. For Verjus, new family ideals of conjugalism and a softer form of paternalism redefined the male paterfamilias as a gentler but still potent force within the couple, the household, society, and state. Joan B. Landes offered the most influential early version of this interpretation in Women and the Public Sphere in the Age of the French Revolution (Ithaca, NY, 1988). Nationality: British. [4], The first major work on the Revolution by a French historian was published between 1823 and 1827 by Adolphe Thiers. Forgetting the Faithful: R.R. The trajectory of gender history in the 1990s and early 2000s is well known. Intriguingly, some of the historians producing the new work on subcategories of women have actually argued that gender identity does not matter as much as other means of claiming or conceptualizing citizenship. Many minor studies appeared, such as The French Revolution: A Study in Democracy by British writer Nesta Webster, published in 1919. Works mentioned, by date of first publication: Significant civil and political events by year, Rebecca L. Spang, "Paradigms and Paranoia: How modern Is the French Revolution? He also headed the French government in 1871 which suppressed the Paris Commune. His Penser la Révolution Française (1978; translated as Interpreting the French Revolution 1981) was an influential book that led many intellectuals to reevaluate Communism and the Revolution as inherently totalitarian and anti-democratic. "Why the neglect? Denise Z. Davidson, France after Revolution: Urban Life, Gender, and the New Social Order (Cambridge, MA, 2007); Suzanne Desan, The Family on Trial in Revolutionary France (Berkeley, CA, 2004); Carla Hesse, The Other Enlightenment: How French Women Became Modern (Princeton, NJ, 2001); Jennifer Ngaire Heuer, The Family and the Nation: Gender and Citizenship in Revolutionary France, 1789–1830 (Ithaca, NY, 2005); Anne Verjus, Le cens de la famille. Annie Duprat has just published an edited volume of Jullien’s letters. Ten years. Katie L. Jarvis, “The Cost of Female Citizenship: How Price Controls Gendered Democracy in Revolutionary France,” French Historical Studies 41 (forthcoming October 2018), and Politics in the Marketplace; Anne Verjus, Le bon mari, and “Historiciser les catégories d’analyse: Le cas du genre à l’époque de la Révolution française,” in Gaboriaux Chloé et Skornicki Arnault, eds., Vers une sociale des idées politiques (Villeneuve d’Ascq, 2017). Kim, Minchul. ed. Influenced by Alexis de Tocqueville and Augustin Cochin, Furet argues that Frenchmen must stop seeing the revolution as the key to all aspects of modern French history. A second, equally exciting strand within the scholarship analyzes manhood within the family—a move that makes sense as scholars have reacted against conceptualizing revolutionary gender dynamics in terms of separate spheres. Mazeau teases out Corday’s own politics and self-fashioning, but above all, he demonstrates how she became a contested “lieu de mémoire”—repackaged and mediatized as a counterrevolutionary martyr, monster, or heroine, according to the changing needs and mentalities of different political groups across the next two centuries.18, New scholarship on masculinity—previously left largely to art historians and literary scholars—is now emerging as a distinct set of questions within revolutionary (and Napoleonic) history. Other French historians in the 19th-century include: One of the most famous English works on the Revolution remains Thomas Carlyle's three-volume The French Revolution, A History (1837) [1]. [7]. Academie Francaise, French literary academy, consisting of 40 members, established in 1634 by Cardinal Richelieu. [23] Les armées révolutionnaires (1968, translated as The People's Armies in 1987) is his most famous work. He professionalized scholarship in the field, moving away from the literary multi-volume studies aimed at an upscale general public, promoting special political ideals, that had characterized writing on the Revolution before the 1880s. Porter les armes pendant l’Ancien Régime et la Révolution française,” Clio. The revolution took place in 1789 to 1799; this was a period were the nation of France took charge and overthrew the existing monarchy. He cites heavy use of the Internet, resources such as the H-France daily discussion email list,[20] and use of digital sources to scan through massive amounts of text. Suppressed in 1793 during the French Revolution, it was restored as a division of the Institut de France in 1803 by Napoleon Bonaparte. Christine Fauré, Democracy without Women: Feminism and the Rise of Liberal Individualism in France, trans. Colwill, “Freedwomen’s Familial Politics”; Rebecca J. Scott and Jean M. Hébrard, Freedom Papers: An Atlantic Odyssey in the Age of Emancipation (Cambridge, MA, 2012); Jennifer L. Palmer, Intimate Bonds: Family and Slavery in the French Atlantic (Philadelphia, 2016). Borrowing from the Romantics for imagery (the introduction closely follows that of Michelet's "History..."), "Citizens" also argues against the Romantics' belief in the necessity of the Revolution. The domestic world emerges as a refuge from revolutionary confusion. 1 Historians have always been aware of widespread resistance to the Revolution. His broad interpretation argued: Aulard's historiography was based on positivism. Palmer’s Age of Democratic Revolution. The book's allegiance is to historical literary styles rather than schools. Last Updated: Sep 10, 2020 See Article History. For permissions, please e-mail: journals.permissions@oup.com, This article is published and distributed under the terms of the Oxford University Press, Standard Journals Publication Model (, Samurai and Southern Belles: Interracial Romance, Southern Morality, and the 1860 Japanese Embassy, Duty Beyond the Battlefield: African American Soldiers Fight For Racial Uplift, Citizenship, and Manhood, 1870–1920, https://academic.oup.com/journals/pages/open_access/funder_policies/chorus/standard_publication_model, Special Forum: The French Revolution is Not Over, Receive exclusive offers and updates from Oxford Academic. [12][13] His appointment to the Sorbonne was promoted and funded by Republicans in the national and Paris governments, but he was not himself involved in party politics. Denise Z. Davidson, “Feminism and Abolitionism: Transatlantic Trajectories,” in The French Revolution in Global Perspective, ed. Jennifer Heuer and Anne Verjus, “L’invention de la sphère domestique au sortir de la Révolution,” Annales historiques de la Révolution française (2002): 1–28. Alternative Title: Revolution of 1789. [27] In the latter study she works with a somewhat Freudian interpretation, the political Revolution as a whole being seen as an enormous dysfunctional family haunted by patricide: Louis as father, Marie-Antoinette as mother, and the revolutionaries as an unruly mob of brothers. On March 4 2011, the French historian Reynald Secher discovered documents in the National Archives in Paris confirming what he had known since the early 1980s: there had been a genocide during the French Revolution. [6] It was less appreciated by British critics, in large part because of his favorable view of the French Revolution and of Napoleon Bonaparte. He also places increased emphasis on insurrectionary violence in Paris and violence in general, claiming that it was "not the unfortunate by-product of revolution, [but] the source of its energy. It is the oldest of the five académies of the institute. The bicentenary of the French Revolution in 1989 inspired a new wave of narrative histories, further expanding the historiography of the French Revolution. In her book on race and intimacy among mixed race families in Old Regime La Rochelle and Saint-Domingue, Jennifer Palmer shows how the family could become a site for contesting racial hierarchy or reshaping it in surprising ways, especially in the metropole. Placing On Revolution in the historiography of the French and American Revolutions. Scholars like Carla Hesse, Jennifer Heuer, Anne Verjus, Denise Davidson, and myself rejected a simple public-private dichotomy and asked how women at times seized revolutionary openings to publish their writings, claim national citizenship, push for more power within families, and so on.3 While some scholars still foreground gender exclusion,4 the focal point seems to have altered. A general release book rather than a piece of academic research, Citizensmarked a return to the centre stage of narrative history, filled with colour, drama and suspense but light on theory and intensive analysis. Why this move toward analyzing women as actors? Suzanne Desan, Recent Historiography on the French Revolution and Gender, Journal of Social History, Volume 52, Issue 3, Spring 2019, Pages 566–574, https://doi.org/10.1093/jsh/shy079. Claudia Gorbman and John Berks (Bloomington, IN, 1991; orig. Cf. Keith Michael Baker and Dan Edelstein (Stanford, CA, 2015), 131–47. In the summer of 1793, a male slave could achieve emancipation and manhood via joining the Republican army, but a woman had to marry to win her freedom. Prof. In France, conspiracy theories were rife in the highly charged political atmosphere, with the Abbé Barruel, in perhaps the most influential work Memoirs Illustrating the History of Jacobinism (1797–1798), arguing that Freemasons and other dissidents had been responsible for an attempt to destroy the monarchy and the Catholic Church. Dominique Godineau, “De la guerrière à la citoyenne. A propos des femmes soldats de la Révolution et de l’Empire,” Politix 74 (2006): 31–48. This view sees the French Revolution as an essentially 'bourgeois' revolution, marked by class struggle and resulting in a victory of the bourgeoisie. Several noblewomen led troops against the Republic and attained mythic status as “amazons.” And as Dominique Godineau has illustrated, individual female soldiers could have multiple motivations to join the army: to escape poverty or abuse, follow a husband into battle, express patriotism and win glory, and/or play with their gender identities. Politically, the governmental structure of the Revolution moved from an absolute monarchy to a constitutional monarchy to a republic and finally to an oligarchy. The University of Wisconsin-Madison, 455 N. Park St., Madison, WI 53706 Bentley! Current trends in gender scholarship on Saint-Domingue what kind of citizenship and deepening its layers ’ état sont mes de! Avec le Genre, Histoire, dedicated a 2016 issue to “ Citoyennetés across. Disillusioned ex-Communist, he summed up that case in his brilliant essay on family... Wife, Rosalie Jullien the literary language address correspondence to suzanne Desan, Lynn Hunt, and in debates... 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